Reaction three

Allie Perez

Section 2

 November 23, 2015

Reaction 3 (editorial)

With more and more rioting around the country, maybe the problem lays within the system not the people. People are frustrated and unable to voice those frustrations; they are also trying to make a change in a broken system. With a lack of ability to change, the people are frustrated and the way that the cities across the county deal with the riots and their lack of trying to prevent them. Cities need to recognize that there is a problem and change the way the system is dealing with it.

The problem with lack of government caring is cites around the country have experienced riots since the beginning of the country yet there has been little to prevent them. It seems as though the government is not realizing that there is a problem. From riots in Chicago in the 1900’s to the 2015 Ferguson riots; the people were frustrated with the system and saw no other way to let the police know that they were unhappy. In an article by Fabien Jobard, he wrote about why rioters can be violent “…characteristically destructive forms of actions undertaken by rioting youths, extensively cited by the authorities as sheer nihilism or vandalism, were actually more the product of police tactics and political configurations than the free will of the rioters” (Jobard, page 135). He argues that is not necessary that the rioters want to be destructive it is that they feel there is not other way.

Community power is affected by riots because there is a strong community within the cities and when the riots occur they not only come together they are also deeply affected by it. These riots hurt the community because they cause a separation between the citizens and the government. This divide only grows as the frustration and lack of change keeps on going. It is obvious from the prolonged progression of the riots that communities are suffering.

It is apparent that the cities’ government along with the national government is not doing the necessary steps in order to prevent and help with riots. Not only prevent but also deal with the real reason that the people are rioting, frustration. If there were plans to fix these then maybe there would be a decrease in riots and frustration among the people.

Work cited

JOBARD, FABIEN. “Rioting As A Political Tool: The 2005 Riots In France.” Howard

            Journal Of Criminal Justice 48.3 (2009): 235-244. Political Science Complete.

Web. 23 Nov. 2015. JOBARD, FABIEN. “Rioting As A Political Tool: The 2005

Riots In France.” Howard Journal Of Criminal Justice 48.3 (2009): 235-244.

Political Science Complete. Web. 23 Nov. 2015.

Case Study: UMW and MU Response to Threats on Social Media- Kam Tavarez

 

It is no secret that discrimination of all forms exists on college campuses throughout the nation. These discriminations range from all aspects of life, including sex and race. It is very unlikely that discriminations on campuses will go away, although the response from colleges and universities around the nation can help to at least reduce the presence of it if they respond the right way. For this last reaction paper I will be taking a look at the similarities and differences between the responses of two universities in regards to discriminatory threats. The university’s I will be looking at are, our very own, Mary Washington and the University of Missouri.

Earlier this year our university faced a lot of heat due to threats made on the social media site Yik Yak against members of the feminist united. The members of the feminist united as well as some student’s felt that the university did not respond in an appropriate manner. There was the perception that the university ignored reports of serious threats made against these members. The president of our university has also responded to the situation in ways that students felt weren’t appropriate, or sincere. The heat intensified against the university when one of the members of feminist united was murdered not long after a threat was made on Yik Yak. Many felt as if the lack of response from the university was a factor that led to her death. Some thought that maybe if the university would’ve taken these threats seriously this tragedy could’ve been avoided. The approach taken by Mary Washington lead to a tittle ix complaint against the university.

Just earlier this month a similar situation occurred at the University of Missouri, also involving the social media site Yik Yak. Instead of sexist threats the University of Missouri faced racial threats against its African American students. These racial threats come at a time where our whole country is affected by ongoing acts of discrimination and racism by police as well as our normal day-to-day citizens. The threats made on Yik Yak at The University of Missouri were direct threats, which included locations and specific dates when people were going to target any black student on campus. One of these threats stated “I’m going to stand my ground tomorrow and shoot every black person I see.”

African American students at the university felt unsafe and threatened and reported this situation to school administration. One student at the university tweeted to the Universities alert system “There is a @MUalert right now because black students are in danger. White people are threatening to harm black students.” In which the alert system respond that there was no immediate threat on campus, similar to the response given to members of the feminist united at our own university. Although the initial response by the administration of the University of Missouri was very dismissive students protest and efforts pushed for a much stronger response, which they received.

After the initial dismissive response, the lash back from the African American student community on campus led the university to take a much stronger approach, including, but not limited to the resignation of the resignation of the president of the university. One African American student on campus went on a hunger strike, and vowed to remain on that strike until the president was removed. Upon the resignation students celebrated the change that they help make. The president of the Missouri Student Association sent out a tweet after the removal of the universities president saying, “NEVER underestimate the power of students. Our voices WILL be heard.” The universities response does not stop there. They went on to work with local law enforcement and Yik Yak to find the people involved in posting these threats. So far their efforts have resulted in 3 arrests. These efforts are a significant approach that I believe should be taken on all campuses. By taking threats serious the university prevent an act of domestic terrorism on their campus.

The approach taken by the University of Missouri made me question our campus and why our administration did not conduct a deeper investigation on the threats made against specific members of feminist united. Taking theses threats seriously could’ve possibly saved a life. It is no secret that social media has a significant influence on campuses all over our nation; the key to fighting negative influences is in the response. Universities need to take notes from each other and learn from each other in order to come up with a good tactic in effort to fight situations like this.

 

 

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2015/05/07/university-mary-washington-yik-yak_n_7233702.html

http://www.buzzfeed.com/maryanngeorgantopoulos/mizzou-yik-yak-arrest#.tlbbdVKE2

http://www.buzzfeed.com/maryanngeorgantopoulos/university-of-missouri-students-celebrate-presidents-resigna#.li8KnMJW0

 

Stop the Gentrification in the Fall Hill area (An Editorial by Belinda Graves)

Being Sociology major at the University of Mary Washington, I have been particularly interested in the developments occurring on Fall Hill Avenue. Being a resident of Fredericksburg I have noticed that over the past two years lots of construction has been occurring in an area where predominantly low-income families reside. 476 apartments, 453 townhomes, and 59 single-family detached homes are located in what has now become a construction zone (Adopted by Fredericksburg’s City Council, p. 181). An eight-month project has recently ended on Fall Hill Avenue that rebuilt the Rappahannock Canal Bridge. It was not until the construction for the widening of Fall Hill took place that I began to notice a problem. The soon to be four-lane road is located in front of at least 5 residential developments that has made me realize gentrification is occurring right here in Fredericksburg.

The construction that is occurring is right smack in the middle of an area where thousands of low-income Fredericksburg inhabitants reside. These families are losing their recreation for at least another year until the widening project is finished. Scott Shenk wrote an article in 2014 about the Fall Hill widening project and he states that, “ A new court, playground, and baseball field will be built nearby after the road project is completed” (Shenk, 2014). Nearby? Where is nearby? That statement automatically makes me question whether or not there is really going to be recreational facilities in a near walking distance for the residents like there once was in the past. The loss of recreation in this community is cruel, these families are low-income and having recreation, in my opinion is vital for the everyday struggles and pressures that people in poverty have to endure.

The developments that are being planned for Fall Hill are going to create a newly gentrified community and allow for economic evictions. Building investors and real estate agents are going to capitalize on the property that is currently occupied. The construction is being “privately funded by those who will develop the intervening land” (Adopted by Fredericksburg’s City Council, p. 184). These developers are free to do what they want with the land. Investors will see that the residents who are living in the current properties are renters and locate the landlords and buy them out. Landlords will find ways to get their tenants out whether through forms of intimidation or rent increases if investors offer the right price.

The forms of economic eviction that I just mentioned will create a space where social backgrounds will begin to mix and potentially conflict. When different social backgrounds begin to mix tensions are going to arise causing the native inhabitants to be pushed out of their neighborhoods. Bragg Hill, a former name for the now Central Park Townhomes community, is proof that a new culture is trying to be created. Once people who are not used to the community move in they will begin to complain and bring about issues that have never been presented before. Laws can be enforced and created to satisfy the more desirable residents that the developers and investors want to attract.

The developments that are taking place on Fall Avenue can potentially lead to a disruption in the community that already exists. The families have already lost their recreation and wait for new recreation to be built. They are at risk for economic eviction due to the capital investments that are possible from the new restorations that are currently occurring. Lastly, the mixing of social backgrounds can bring about negative results because of the unfamiliarity and conflicting cultural differences. In order to reduce the threat of families being pushed out of their neighborhoods, I recommend civic engagement to spread the word and gain support for the tenants in the Fall Hill area. The development that is currently going on may not seem like a threat now, but in the future I see negative results occurring and it is up to the people to volunteer and organized to protect their communities.

 

 

Works Cited

Adopted by Fredericksburg’s City Council. City of Fredericksburg Comprehensive Plan.

Shenk, S. (2014, December 4). Plans Laid out for Fall Hill Avenue Project. The Free Lance-Star .

Reaction Paper 3 (Case Study) Kelsey Holdway: Section 1

“Police Force in Sports Riots vs Ferguson and Baltimore Protests”

In class we discussed the protests in Baltimore and Ferguson and how the police dealt with the protests as a whole. This case study looks at how sports riot police ideas can be used in dealing with normal riots and protests. In my paper  the term “soccer hooliganism” is used to explain these sports riots. This leads to the explanation of how a certain sports riot came about, and how it led to better police training that has been used around the world, except in Ferguson and Baltimore.

Kelsey Holdway- Reaction Paper 3

Reaction Paper 3 Race and Place in Baltimore Riots

In class we were exposed to the riots that occurred in Chicago, New York and Los Angeles in the 19th century.  We looked in depth at Abu-Lughod’s book Race, Space and Riots: In Chicago, New York, and Los Angeles, this book highlighted the issues of race and space in terms of riots.  This paper will explore the influence of these two factors in the riots that took place in Baltimore.  How did space and race influence the riots?  Were both factors equally influential in the events that took place?

Paper written by Taylor Ford (Section #1)

Reaction Paper #3

Reaction Paper 3

Emily Curtis

Dr. Martin

November 23rd 2o15

 

The New Inquiry reading that we read in class on ‘The Difference between riots and protests has more to do with who and where than what’ discusses in depth the differences between the two. It began with talking about something that was going on in Sudan and hashtag #sudanrevolts was used, and when the issues were addressed they were called riots. But, there were mass ‘protests’ in Egypt, Turkey, Brazil, Greece and Spain, and Sudan’s mass protests received the title of ‘Riots’. The article proceeds with discussing how the protests in Istanbul and Greece had graffiti, busted windows and things set on fire. Much of what we would consider to be a riot. The article continues to say that essentially the difference between a riot and a protest is if you’re black, it’s a riot and if you’re white its a protest.

In a reading in the book ‘Race, Space and Riots in Chicago, New York and Los Angeles’ we read about a specific riot in New York in which began with a young 15 year old black boy getting shot by an off duty white cop on July 16th. The boy was apparently in a place that the cop thought he shouldn’t have been and the officer said that the young boy had a knife, but that part of the story was a bit hazy and was never proven. The next few days in Harlem a riot sparked because of this. July 17th picketing at the school was met by the police officers, core rally march, resulting in police trying to break up crowd. Their goal being to isolate harlem but the crowds grew. July 19th tried to clean up, and the commissioner called for order. Then in Bedford, July 20 CORE meeting then marched until the police broke them up and the police were called in to stop riots. Then ‘the worst day’ being July 21st when the Mayor tried to recruit minority policemen which didn’t work. The NAACP said to “cool it” and that didn’t work. The rain ended up being the cause of the end of the riots, with 302 arrests and $1.5 million in expenses. This was a riot in New York. Throughout the entire reading those participating were called ‘rioters’ and talks about how the response to this riot was the most relaxed and non-chalant response to a riot because there was pretty much no response. But nevertheless was still considered a riot.

Up until reading the piece on the riots in Sudan and the difference between riots and protests, I never even thought that the difference was race related, which I’m shocked that I didn’t because everything is race related. So the fact that I was so shocked by this is a bit embarrassing. I’ve always just thought that one was more peaceful and one is violent, being the determining factor in differentiating the two. But the article on Sudan riots put it into perspective. “Still, the situations where lighter skinned people were filling the photographs: protests. When darker skinned people are involved? Riots.”

 

Abu-Lughod, Janet. 2007/2012. Race, Space and Riots in Chicago, New York and Los Angeles. Oxford University Press.

Rakia, Raven. 2013. Black Riot. The New Inquiry.

From a Fellow White Person, An Open Letter to the White People of America

Stephanie Wismer
Reaction Paper #3
Newspaper Editorial

From a Fellow White Person, An Open Letter to the White People of America

About a year ago, my mom and her friend were driving down the freeway when a police officer pulled them over. They had not been speeding or driving erratically—they were literally just driving down the freeway. After peering into the car and exchanging a few words with them, the officer allowed them to continue on their way. “Can you believe that?” My mom fumed as they resumed driving. “What?” Her friend asked, dumbfounded by her sudden anger. “He was just checking in on us.”
This story might seem insignificant, and maybe even downright boring, but it represents the state of modern America’s race relations. See, my mom is a white woman and her friend is a black man. And so for my mom, being pulled over without a discernible reason was infuriating, while for her friend, it was nothing out of the ordinary. (Let’s all wave hello to my mom’s white privilege.)
Oftentimes, white people don’t really like to acknowledge white privilege. I think we worry that if we acknowledge it, it will seem like we’re condone it. Like saying, “White people have an advantage in America,” is the same as saying, “Let’s raise a glass to the KKK, and institution that’s doing God’s work.” But those two statements have nothing in common, and it’s time to get over this whole acknowledging-white-privledge-phobia. Emma Gray said it best when she argued, “Confronting privileges and structures far larger than yourself—ones which you may feel you have little-to-no control over or no idea how to change—will always be uncomfortable. But…tough shit.”
White privilege is all around us, every single day. It’s around us when the salesgirls as Victoria’s Secret don’t follow us around, concerned about possible theft. It’s around us when we aren’t stopped for (supposedly) random selections at the airport. It’s around us when authority figures turn a blind eye to our underage drinking, our drug use, and our breaking of curfew. So prevalent is white privilege that prominent news stations showed the white victims of Katrina stealing groceries, while the black victims were shown stealing televisions and jewelry (Jones). (And if you’re thinking to yourself that maybe black and white people were just stealing different things, they weren’t. And I hope you either change your attitude or step on a lego.)
White privilege has the power to color our thinking. After the riots in Baltimore, so many of us asked the wrong questions. We asked, “how could they destroy their own community?” Instead of, “What led them to take such drastic actions?” (Corley, comments below article.) Instead of looking at the rioters as our equals, our fellow human beings, we labeled them as criminals as hoodlums. We downgraded them, and in doing so we intensified to the problem.

As white people, we have the privilege of being able to ignore our privilege. But we shouldn’t. White privilege comes at a cost, and our fellow America’s are footing the bill for no reason other than that they’re a dew shades darker than we are. Let’s confront our white privilege right now, because until we acknowledge it and start to do something about it, we are the reason why our fellow american’s are rioting.

 

 

Bibliography

Corley, Cheryl. “Ferguson Businesses Struggle To Rebuild Post-Riots.” <i>NPR</i>. NPR, 07 Aug. 2015. Web. 23 Nov. 2015.

Gray, Emma. “11 Things White People Need to Realize About Race.” <i>Huffington Post</i>. N.p., 23 July 2015. Web. 23 Nov. 2015.

Jones, Van. “Black People “Loot” Food … White People “Find” Food.” <i>The Huffington Post</i>. TheHuffingtonPost.com, 01 Sept. 2005. Web. 23 Nov. 2015.

Rachael Harvey, Section 01 – Critical Synthesis: The Comparison of Race Riots in France and Chicago

Chapter 3 in Abu-Lughod’s Race, Space, and Riots along with the article “Rioting as a Political Tool: the 2005 Riots in France” draw similar conclusions and analyses about race riots, “what caused them, what sort of behaviors and people they consisted of, and what sort of repercussions they produced” (Jobard, 236). Abu-Lughod’s chapter titled “The Black Uprising after King’s Assassination in 1968” speaks of the “low-intensity war” (Abu-Lughod, 79) that describes Chicago’s mid-1950s and mid-1960s period. This period also hosted the civil rights movement that was essentially being strained in Chicago. The lack of support and interest for the movement as well as the unclear path of progression helped build tensions amongst the advocates of “integration, desegregation, and black power” (Abu-Lughod, 81). The separation of neighborhoods also contributed to the growing tensions. In France, the wave of riots would occur in towns and neighborhoods of immigrants and minorities. Urban segregation and migratory activities play very important roles in causing rioting, where unemployment was higher due to the social segregation of these zones. These social strains amongst both Chicago and France both demonstrate underlying tensions and causes for rioting.

The tensions in Chicago acted as antecedents for the race riot after MLK’s assassination. Politically powerless zones in Chicago, specifically the West Side, consisted of predominately black neighborhoods that dropped in population due to land being cleared for institutional projects and developments. These developments, meant to drive out the black population, began to crumble resistance in these neighborhoods. These people just kept being pushed further and further out of these development zones and this resulted in displacement of the population. In response to this, King developed the goal of open housing in these neighborhoods and led marches into the white areas that circled black districts. After the King assassination, reactions were set off in black communities throughout the country with the worst being in Chicago. This was due to “its large black community and the uneasy race relations that were endemic to the city” (Abu-Lughod, 93). Any sort of progression for open housing became frozen, and the hopes of these powerless people became shattered, leading to the frustration and violence that occurred in these ghettos. Police tactics and intimidation were implemented to prevent the spread of riots, and the collective youth also began to get involved. The way that police responded and handled the riots is debatable, and did not serve as protection for the population. The death of Dr. King as well as the remaining underlying tensions that led to this violent riot remains relevant to labeling this event as a race riot.

In France, riots labeled as “race riots” were used to describe “disorder or uprisings in poor ghettos or poor urban estates” (Jobard, 236). These riots have been occurring since the 1980s and have certainly remained the same for 2005. Events such as street battles and rioting in “deprived urban areas” usually followed the “death of a civilian” due to the acts of police (Jobard, 235). When looking at the sociological facts, the 3-week long riots are rooted from urban segregation and migration issues. Similarly to Chicago, these issues have been creating growing tensions for years and years with uprisings occurring quite often. Youth were also collectively rioting in 2005, some being the children of 1990 rioters. This engagement of generational behavior demonstrates that migrant and racial tension issues still remain extremely prevalent today, and especially come out during riots. For police involvement, “the rioters’ means of expression were therefore limited (though conversely, also facilitated) by the actions of the police” (Jobard, 240). The behaviors of the rioters reflected their choice in destruction “on the basis of local political histories” (Jobard, 240). In the eyes of the community, race is believed to be the underlying factor for destruction and violence in riots. The targets are chosen based on the real racial tensions and ideas that still remain in this society. Previous events in history are very prevalent in these riots and have shown to be motivators to keep rioting.

The similarities in the riots in France and Chicago both present race as an everlasting issue. The tensions that continue to build amongst deprived and ostracized communities also continue to reflect volatile behaviors. These individuals are not given the opportunities or chances to have their voices be heard in legal terms, so rioting in their cities is bound to occur with what is constantly being stripped away from them.

 

Works Cited:

Jobard, Fabien. “Rioting as a Political Tool: The 2005 Riots in France.” The Howard Journal of Criminal Justice 48.3 (2009): 235-44. Web.

Abu-Lughod, Janet L. Race, Space, and Riots in Chicago, New York, and Los Angeles. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2007. Print.

Chicago & Ferguson: A Comparison

In Abu-Lughod’s chapters on the Chicago race riots, she discusses the grievances and triggers that contributed to the events that unfolded in 1919 and 1968. She points out that as a more Southern city, Chicago’s black population still suffered under “Black Laws” that prevented them from participating in the public arena and enjoying the same privileges as whites. Additionally, she points to tension between blacks and whites in the workforce as an underlying factor, asserting that the competition for jobs led to white violence against black workers. The local government was highly corrupted at the time, with Irish gangs being very involved in the politicians in the area. However, in 1968, as Abu-Lughod describes, racial tensions had changed as the black ghetto population expanded, displacing whites. It was also a time when the Civil Rights Movement was thriving, and Martin Luther King Jr. had chosen Chicago as a target area for expanding the movement. Before the 1960s, “race riots” were usually characterized by whites entering predominantly black neighborhoods, destroying property, and carrying out acts of violence against blacks. After the roots for the Civil Rights Movement began to take hold, however, blacks were beginning to mobilize and concentrate their power towards the goal of abolishing inequality and racism. Abu-Lughod points to the murder of Martin Luther King Jr. as the main triggering event for the riot that broke out in 1968. The widespread anger and grief at the killing of such a prominent figure in the movement caused chaos across the country, and Chicago was no different.

In the events that have unfolded in Ferguson, Missouri, similarities to the race riots in Chicago become glaringly obvious. As we have discussed in class, some of the grievances that contributed to the events that took place in Ferguson, including a suffering economy and lack of jobs, poor housing values, and tensions between residents and local police officers, are all parallels to Chicago’s grievances. The shooting of an unarmed young black teenager, Michael Brown, is generally identified as the triggering event, as well as police and politician’s responses.  When observing areas like this through a historical context, it is evident that the exclusion of blacks in housing markets, elections, and other public opportunities have led to many of the conditions that exist today. The characterization of race riots as being exclusively minorities rioting is a shift from 1919; riots were generally carried out by whites against minorities. Additionally, while the death of MLK led to a strengthening of the Civil Rights Movement, the death of Michael Brown led to the creation of the Black Lives Matter movement, which aims to address the disproportionately high number of African-American deaths at the hands of police officers through activism and solidarity. Although laws specifically excluding blacks from public participation and equal rights have been abolished, the movement addresses the underlying structural factors, cultural and social biases, and unequal distribution of power that allows blacks to continue to be marginalized.

Victoria Sheil IDIS: Section2- Social Response to the Baltimore Riots

Our last discussion about riots ended with more questions than answers. One that was brought up was policy response after riots. I remember when reading about the New York riots in the 1930’s, mayor La Guardia had responses to address discrimination and job opportunities. However, we did not get to discuss if any of the more recent riots resulted in a social response from the government. So, I decided to do some digging into the Baltimore Riots to see what social efforts appeared after the riot.

The first thing to show up in my search was the effort to change the Maryland’s Law Enforcement Bill of Rights (LEBOR). The issue brought up in the meeting was about “reducing a provision that gives officers 10 days to receive representation before cooperating with an investigation, opening trial boards to the public, and increasing from 90 days to a year and one day the length of time that someone may file a brutality complaint against an officer” (Wiggins). Many find Maryland’s bill of rights to be one of strictest one regarding filed complaints. The process to make the changes got as far as the committee meeting. However, the changes were never made. You can still sign the petition supported by ACLU of Maryland.

Even if the changes were made, Karl W. Bickel believes that it’s not enough for change. He says proposals “draw attention from the real problems contributing to unnecessary and excessive uses of force by police that have created the growing rift we are seeing today between police and the citizens they serve.”  This supports our discussion in in class. The idea that the grievances before the trigger for riots should be addressed and not just the aftermath of a trigger. His article indicated how formal government must support programs and encourage solutions to larger problems. So, I checked into the Baltimore city website to see what I can find.

That’s where One Baltimore steps in. One Baltimore was created in response to the riots by the current mayor Stephanie Rawlings- Blake. It was a way to fund damaged businesses but also has the organization to do more. On their website it says, “OneBaltimore will focus on the immediate, short-term needs of those communities affected by our recent unrest and violence, and seek to promote collaboration to focus on the systemic problems our city has faced for decades.” Since allocating funds to riot damage is temporary, it makes sense that the organization with continue to improve the area long term. This organization has the resources, money, influence, and organized structure need to pursue systematic problems. And they are making progress. Since the organization is integrated with the city government, they are expected to present plans of action at meetings. The group just recently met with the education and youth committee of city hall in August. In the meeting, the president addresses

Developing a ‘One Baltimore’ Agenda for Youth FOR the purpose of determining practical measures to address the short-and long-term needs of the Children and Youth of Baltimore City; and calling on ‘One Baltimore’ Director Michael Cryor to provide and overview of the ‘One Baltimore’ program and rollout, Deputy Mayor Dawn Kirstaetter to present several of the Mayor’s youth priorities and initiatives, and Health Commissioner Dr. Leana Wen to discuss the Youth Violence Prevention and Safe Streets program. (Baltimore City Council)

The group was only created one month after the riots, so physical changes are still in the beginning stages. However, the direct goal of addressing social problems in West Baltimore and having resources in forms of money and government interaction is promising for the future. Some of their current programs include Baltimore business recovery fund, Hiring Youth, Donations for City and Youth- related Programs, Maryland Unites, United Way, and Baltimore Community Foundation.  They offer a range of opportunities to approach problems such as employment opportunities and youth education. These programs also rely on the community’s participation. The importance of OneBaltimore as a collaborative public- private initiative means that the organization still relies on the broader community for engagement and progress.

Baltimore is aware of the larger social factors that were present before the riots occurred. In our previous discussions in class, it seemed that government policy responded to economic change and riot response. However, in Baltimore, the government response includes plans to address the larger structural issues that West Baltimore is facing. It is important that programs such as OneBaltimore sees further support from the government and at the same time encourage community engagement. Since OneBaltimore was created by the mayor, it has influence in the city government that other organizations have barriers. It will be interesting to see was resulted we will see in the next few years.

 

References:

Bickel, Karl W. (2015, August 26) “Officers’ Bill of Rights is not the Problem.” Baltimore Sun. retrieved from  http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/opinion/oped/bs-ed-leobr-attack-20150826-story.html

Wiggins, O. (2015, August 24). After Baltimore riots, changes to police ‘bill of rights’ sought. Washington Post. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/md-politics/police-reform-advocates-call-on-md-lawmakers-to-address-officer-misconduct/2015/08/24/e2775c88-4a67-11e5-846d-02792f854297_story.html

OneBaltimore http://servingonebaltimore.org/

Baltimore City Hall http://www.baltimorecity.gov/government