Author: rachaelharvey

Chapter 3 in Abu-Lughod’s Race, Space, and Riots along with the article “Rioting as a Political Tool: the 2005 Riots in France” draw similar conclusions and analyses about race riots, “what caused them, what sort of behaviors and people they consisted of, and what sort of repercussions they produced” (Jobard, 236). Abu-Lughod’s chapter titled “The Black Uprising after King’s Assassination in 1968” speaks of the “low-intensity war” (Abu-Lughod, 79) that describes Chicago’s mid-1950s and mid-1960s period. This period also hosted the civil rights movement that was essentially being strained in Chicago. The lack of support and interest for the movement as well as the unclear path of progression helped build tensions amongst the advocates of “integration, desegregation, and black power” (Abu-Lughod, 81). The separation of neighborhoods also contributed to the growing tensions. In France, the wave of riots would occur in towns and neighborhoods of immigrants and minorities. Urban segregation and migratory activities play very important roles in causing rioting, where unemployment was higher due to the social segregation of these zones. These social strains amongst both Chicago and France both demonstrate underlying tensions and causes for rioting.

The tensions in Chicago acted as antecedents for the race riot after MLK’s assassination. Politically powerless zones in Chicago, specifically the West Side, consisted of predominately black neighborhoods that dropped in population due to land being cleared for institutional projects and developments. These developments, meant to drive out the black population, began to crumble resistance in these neighborhoods. These people just kept being pushed further and further out of these development zones and this resulted in displacement of the population. In response to this, King developed the goal of open housing in these neighborhoods and led marches into the white areas that circled black districts. After the King assassination, reactions were set off in black communities throughout the country with the worst being in Chicago. This was due to “its large black community and the uneasy race relations that were endemic to the city” (Abu-Lughod, 93). Any sort of progression for open housing became frozen, and the hopes of these powerless people became shattered, leading to the frustration and violence that occurred in these ghettos. Police tactics and intimidation were implemented to prevent the spread of riots, and the collective youth also began to get involved. The way that police responded and handled the riots is debatable, and did not serve as protection for the population. The death of Dr. King as well as the remaining underlying tensions that led to this violent riot remains relevant to labeling this event as a race riot.

In France, riots labeled as “race riots” were used to describe “disorder or uprisings in poor ghettos or poor urban estates” (Jobard, 236). These riots have been occurring since the 1980s and have certainly remained the same for 2005. Events such as street battles and rioting in “deprived urban areas” usually followed the “death of a civilian” due to the acts of police (Jobard, 235). When looking at the sociological facts, the 3-week long riots are rooted from urban segregation and migration issues. Similarly to Chicago, these issues have been creating growing tensions for years and years with uprisings occurring quite often. Youth were also collectively rioting in 2005, some being the children of 1990 rioters. This engagement of generational behavior demonstrates that migrant and racial tension issues still remain extremely prevalent today, and especially come out during riots. For police involvement, “the rioters’ means of expression were therefore limited (though conversely, also facilitated) by the actions of the police” (Jobard, 240). The behaviors of the rioters reflected their choice in destruction “on the basis of local political histories” (Jobard, 240). In the eyes of the community, race is believed to be the underlying factor for destruction and violence in riots. The targets are chosen based on the real racial tensions and ideas that still remain in this society. Previous events in history are very prevalent in these riots and have shown to be motivators to keep rioting.

The similarities in the riots in France and Chicago both present race as an everlasting issue. The tensions that continue to build amongst deprived and ostracized communities also continue to reflect volatile behaviors. These individuals are not given the opportunities or chances to have their voices be heard in legal terms, so rioting in their cities is bound to occur with what is constantly being stripped away from them.

 

Works Cited:

Jobard, Fabien. “Rioting as a Political Tool: The 2005 Riots in France.” The Howard Journal of Criminal Justice 48.3 (2009): 235-44. Web.

Abu-Lughod, Janet L. Race, Space, and Riots in Chicago, New York, and Los Angeles. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2007. Print.

Rachael Harvey, Section 01

Critical Synthesis: Non-Routine Collective Action on Social Media on UMW Campus

Through both the Inside Higher Ed article and The Freelance Star article, I was able to gather an understanding of the effects of how social media platforms hinder a college campus community and experiences within those communities. The Freelance Star mainly focused on UMW and the Title IX complaint filed by Law firm Katz Marshall & Banks that was made towards the university in early May. Inside Higher Ed addresses the challenges college campuses face with anonymous social media platforms such as Yik Yak and asks, “Who should prevent social media harassment?” Author Josh Logue brings up events from UMW, highlighting the troubles that the institution faced over the course of Spring 2015 semester and the retaliations that have been made to further note these problems. Both these articles discuss UMW and the non-routine collective action of students towards the administration. They are fighting for the distinction of where the “line” is as well as prevention tactics to be made and how the responses are handled.

A follow up letter to the U.S. Department of Education pressed for federal guidelines and restrictions towards anonymous social media attacks and threats. Those guidelines would include, “investigating all reports of online harassment, including those that are anonymous…conducting mandatory training or intervention programs for faculty, staff, and students” (Estes 2015), and many more. The letter also notes that implementing these guidelines would contribute to the progression for women’s equality as well as civil rights. This push makes sense, considering the harsh threats towards Feminist United on Campus made on Yik Yak just kept happening. Because the threats were anonymous, finding out where or whom they were coming from became another challenging task to assemble. Feeling as though nothing was being done very much contributed to FUC’s exhaustion and frustration of slow and delayed university response or handle on the matters. Their non-routine collective action resulted in a news conference held outside of George Washington Hall hosted by FUC and the Feminist Majority Foundation, who filed the complaint. Although this organization has gathered for routine actions before, this conference would be considered non-routine and acting out. The university was not aware of this public conference, and in result, President Rick Hurley responded with a stern letter addressing the misinformation the FMF had been spreading based on the social media threats.

Social media has become “the new frontier of unlawful conduct” (Debra Katz in Logue, 2015). The seriousness of these anonymous apps fostered a very tense environment amongst the UMW student body and created a baseline for the non-routine collective action taken by FUC and FMF. According to Logue, “banning these anonymous apps or having the universities themselves monitor them is probably a bad idea” (Logue, 2015). UMW would be a difficult place to keep up with the monitoring, because it becomes more noticeable of the restrictions that are placed on campus. This would become more of a target and reason to try to break down and lash back at this method. It is essentially asking the university to “control things that are out of their control” (Logue, 2015). This lack of control is definitely noticed, which also contributes to the actions taken towards the issues at hand. Emotions such as exhaustion and desperation are executed through FUC and FMF’s non-routine actions, and they use social media’s results on campus to speak and act out towards the overall emotions being felt. The use of social media on UMW’s campus is what specifically drove the action taken considering the Title XI complaint filed, and these measures indicate that an active organization on campus needs their voices to be heard and listened to. The response from UMW’s president to this unplanned conference also indicates that there is some lack of unification between the student body and administrative community when it comes to social media platforms.

These two articles tie together FUC’s drive for action created by something that is so heavily relied on by everyone in the campus community. Like stated before, there really is no control when it comes to monitoring anonymous social media use, and this flows into the non-routine collective actions being taken amongst these issues.

 

Works Cited

Estes, Lindley. 2015. “Women’s, civil rights groups urge federal guidelines for anonymous social media threats.” The Free Lance Star, October 21.

Logue, Josh. 2015. “Who Should Prevent Social Media Harassment.” Inside Higher Ed, October 22.

CP Reaction 2

 

 

CP Reaction Paper 1

Development in Town of Franklin, Massachusetts

http://franklinma.virtualtownhall.net/Pages/index

The Town of Franklin is a city in Norfolk County, Massachusetts. It is home to America’s first public library and has a population of just about over 33,000 residents Growing up in Franklin is an experience that is pretty typical in most suburban areas and being a resident of this town paves a way for making personal connections to its foundation, history, and future progressions. Many residents attend town council meetings and are able to voice opinions on certain projects, developments, and planning. Their website is full of documents addressing planning and development, health care, government, business, local news, education, various committees and members, and community. One particular segment that relates to many of the concepts discussed in class is Franklin’s previous development layouts and proposals is “Bringing Business to Franklin,” a project that was approved to designating and working on three areas of the town to increase economic opportunity.

This project was implemented and approved in 2010, with the goal of using new economic opportunity areas to encourage existing business to expand while also attracting new businesses. In 2010, Franklin’s economy was referred to as being “sluggish” and otherwise lagging despite the several businesses that cover the town. In order to receive positive outlooks on this development, Franklin noted that tax negotiation definitely came into play as well. Tax Increment Finance (TIF) agreement is a five to twenty-year property tax exemption based on the increased value of property due to improvements made. In addition to this, potential benefits for those companies who chose to participate in the expansion included qualifying for complete tax exemption on personal property. Franklin also highlights that there are several benefits resulting from this economic opportunity development that include employment opportunities as well as strengthening the town’s economic system and overall community for years to come with blooming businesses.

The article expands on the space that is already readily available for this project to launch as well as noting that the areas definitely promote higher levels of investment from larger companies. Reading this proposal document on Franklin’s website reminded me much of the video “Brooklyn Matters” in terms of where economic development and expansion wanted to be and why. Franklin’s 2010 proposal also allowed me to analyze this next to “The Green Development Zone as a Model for a New Neighborhood Economy” reading for class based on community effects. In terms of “Brooklyn Matters”, a connection could be made to the aims and goals of the Atlantic Yards expansion project, and why it was so favored by the members of this community. This development promised the people employment and benefits to daily life in Brooklyn, who may not have had equal opportunity or access to this area of society before. These individuals’ desires for economic expansion would match with the Town of Franklin’s interests. Franklin presses on newer and stronger employment opportunities that would also reflect the community atmosphere and uphold a better economic status for the whole area.

Differences can be drawn here between the “Atlantic Yards” project and “Bringing Business to Franklin.” Coming from a suburban area, more personal and realistic aspects are more paid attention to by the town. The Town Council carries out and approves town decisions, while making sure that “he/she represents the entire community at all times.” This statement comes straight out of the “Role of the Town Council” document located on Franklin’s site. This document expands on the Council roles and the relation of those roles to the community, the administrative officers of the town, and with fellow council members. The Council members definitely put the interests and wellbeing of the community of Franklin first and foremost, while Ratner was only interested in expansion for his own benefit and profit deriving from the “Atlantic Yards” project. His lack of community interest showed through running people out of their residences and promising jobs that were not sustainable for those who needed them. Although both these developments carry the same goals, the attitudes and social standings towards them differ in ways that also impact the effects of bigger, economic projects.

When looking at Green Development Zones, community interests and improvements were number one on Buffalo’s list of economic priorities. These GDZ’s, funded by the state, aimed to “combine green affordable housing construction, community-based renewable energy projects, green jobs training, and urban agriculture toward the goal of creating pathways to employment while improving housing conditions” (Bartley, 10). GDZ’s were developed by PUSH, and contained members of the community of Buffalo. These goals drive for long-term effects that will continue to flourish in Buffalo and allow members of the community to become economically mobile. Unlike Ratner, these employment opportunities also come with job training to develop the skills needed in order to ascend in the economy. The GDZ’s approach to expansion and community development heavily reflects on Franklin’s interests in building economy for a better town structure. The Council approaches the projects in a way that does not negatively impose on the personal lives of the community as well as proposing that expansion be done in areas that can handle it. Franklin deemed three areas, South Grove Street, North Grove Street, and Financial Way Economic Opportunity, as areas where economic improvement was beckoning, and businesses could truly unfold successfully. PUSH worked to develop a more environmentally beneficial structure within neighborhoods to improve ones that are already there and full of life. They worked to engage the community, and made those members feel like a direct part of the expansion. This involvement proved to be wildly successful for the Buffalo residents, which acts parallel with the Franklin Town Council in terms of holding meetings where opinions are allowed to be expressed and the Council holds the community’s interest at heart.

The Council also aims to assist business owners in this transition and takes concerns and ideas into consideration. With any project, the approaches and outcomes are not perfect. But when looking at the film compared to Franklin’s project and GDZ’s in Buffalo, there are significant differences in how these plans have played out. Brooklyn, Buffalo, and Franklin are also all very different cities. “Atlantic Yards” carries more detrimental effects from this development due to the ones in power as well as the changes undergoing a huge city. Buffalo, smaller than Brooklyn and Franklin even smaller than that, vary in how impactful the effects of planning are. But, when looking at smaller areas, the community is the main focus and determinant of how projects are deemed to go. There are more personal approaches and better resident involvement. Comparing and contrasting these three pieces has provided a clearer understanding to how and why developments are made for not only economic strength, but for economic progression.

 

Works Cited

Bartley, Aaron. “The Green Development Zone as a Model for a New Neighborhood Economy.” 9-20. Web.

 

Taberner, Bryan W. “Bringing Business to Franklin.” Welcome to Franklin, MA. B.p., 23 Nov. 2010.

 

Vallee, Bob. “Role of the Town Council.” Welcome to Franklin, MA. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 Sept. 2015.

 

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